Labor’s Voice in Milwaukee for 73 years is gone; Now, how will workers be heard?

The end of the Milwaukee Labor Press:  Another sign of perceived impending death of the U.S. labor movement?  Not all all; it’s just a realistic look at the changing world of communications.

The cost of printing, distributing and paying for the monthly publication is just too much for the Milwaukee Area Labor Council to bear as it faces the impact of declining membership, due most recently to the passage of Wisconsin’s Act Ten that has gutted membership among public employee unions.  However, more and more persons, and especially young people entering the workforce, are depending upon social media, like Facebook, Twitter and the others to share information.  It’s good news that the labor movement is trying to keep up with this trend.

Nonetheless, the demise of the printed version is sad to see, at least for those of us who grew up looking to alternative, pro-worker views from the Milwaukee Labor Press.

The final edition of the Milwaukee Labor Press, with an abbreviated spelling of ‘Good-Bye’

The newspaper was born in 1940, following the death of another Milwaukee newspaper that carried labor’s message, the short-lived Milwaukee Post which was a successor to Milwaukee’s longtime Socialist daily newspaper, the Milwaukee Leader.  Founded in 1911, the Leader’s first editor was Victor Berger, who guided the paper throughout most of its existence.  Berger became famous (his opponents would likely have said “infamous”) as a Socialist Congressman when he was jailed for his opposition to World War I.  Even so, he was reelected to the seat while in jail.  (For a fascinating look into Berger and his importance to the City, read this from Peter Dreier, a professor at Occidental College.) 

In 1917, when the newspaper’s editor died suddenly, Berger recruited John M. Work, a renowned Socialist leader and anti-war activist, to edit the paper.  Because of its anti-war stands, the Administration of President Wilson suspended the newspaper’s second class mailing privileges; yet its subscribers made extra donations to keep the paper alive during this difficult period.

Work stayed on through the paper’s remaining years until 1938 and continued as editor through its successor publications, the Milwaukee Evening Post, and shortly thereafter to the New Milwaukee Evening Post, and finally to the Milwaukee Post.

Brisbane Hall, early home of Labor Press and its predecessor, the Milwaukee Leader.

It was printed at Brisbane Hall, which stood at N. 6^th St. and W. Juneau Ave., just north of Milwaukee’s downtown, and the home of the new Milwaukee Labor Press in 1940.  The factory-like structure that housed the Leader then became home to the Labor Press until the building was torn down in 1965 to make way for the North-South freeway.  The Labor Press then moved its current location within the offices of the Milwaukee Area Labor Council on S. Hawley Road.

The weekly Labor Press concentrated mainly upon local labor union news for its coverage, though it did offer comment on national news as well.  It also offered readers a few enticing offerings, such as recipes (usually from union members or their spouses), pictures of pin-up girls (a practice it ended as the feminist movement gained influence), do-it-yourself articles and sports.

During the late 1940s and early 1950s – until the merger of the AFL and CIO in 1955 – the Labor Press was the official paper of the Federated Trades Council, while the CIO Labor Council published the Wisconsin CIO News, which mainly carried news of the industrial unions in the area.

A series of colorful editors headed the Labor Press the longest tenure being held by Ray Taylor from 1954 until the 1980s; he was outspoken and a popular candidate for emceeing events, where he had a knack, through his friendship with most labor leaders of the area, to “roast” them in his presentations to the glee of the audiences.  Patsy Cashmore was the first woman to edit the paper, succeeding Taylor; in 2002, retired Milwaukee Journal Sentinel editor and reporter Dominique Paul Noth, took over.

The paper will be missed, to be sure.  It offered a chance for local unions to assure that their story got into publication.  During this writer’s life, he relied on the Labor Press to provide space for articles giving the workers’ side of the Milwaukee Newspaper Guild’s ten-week strike against the Milwaukee Sentinel in 1962, the efforts at gaining first labor contracts by AFSCME’s District Council 48 for municipal workers in the County after passage of the nation’s first collective bargaining law for public employees, and for stories involving strikes and issues for locals of the former Allied Industrial Workers at Briggs & Stratton, Harley-Davidson, and others.

The Labor Press at one time the largest circulation labor paper in the nation proved for years to be a bulwark against the often one-sided coverage of the community’s major news outlets, where the views of business seemed to hold priority.  Now it will be up to the new social media and other present-day communications forms to get the workers’ side into the public mind.

It’s critical that the views of working people not be lost as we write “30” to the printed form of the Milwaukee Labor Press, a great institution that served workers in Milwaukee for 73 years. — Ken Germanson, April 3, 2013

Seneca Falls, Selma, Stonewall! Where was Flint?

Perhaps the most memorable phrase in President Barack Obama’s Second Inaugural Address was this:

“We, the people, declare today that the most evident of truths –- that all of us are created equal –- is the star that guides us still; just as it guided our forebears through Seneca Falls, and Selma, and Stonewall . . . “

As eloquent as this was, another landmark event was sadly missing.  How about Flint, Michigan, as a symbol of the great sitdown strikes in the cold winter of 1936-37 that became the rallying cry for workers to organize into unions?

It was hard not to be thrilled by the imagery expressed by references to Seneca Falls, where the women’s suffrage movement started, to Selma, where the civil rights movement began to take hold and to Stonewall, long a symbol of the battle for gay rights.  Each one of these symbolized how ordinary people were able to mobilize and move the nation’s reluctant leaders to embrace the right of women to vote, the lifting of many of the burdens that were carried by minorities and finally recognizing that our gay brothers and sisters have rights, too.

The worker movement of the period definitely belongs in this list as one of the four great mass movements of ordinary people that created change in U.S history.  It took thousands of demonstrations, rallies, speeches, essays and letters to the editor to bring about women’s suffrage and 72 years from the time of the Seneca Falls, NY, meeting in 1848 to the passage of the 19^th Amendment in 1920.  It took nearly 45 years from the “Bloody Sunday” march over the bridge at Selma in 1965 to the election of the first African-American President; and it took more than 40 years from the police bashing of gays in 1969 at the Stonewall Tavern in New York City for the Armed Services to recognize gay rights.

The fight for workers to win the right to join unions took about 70 years from the great railroad strikes of the 1870s followed by other tragic events like the Homestead Strike, the Pullman Strike and the Bay View Massacre.  The rights came with the passage of the Wagner Act in 1935 that finally conferred the right to collective bargaining upon working people.  The law was fought bitterly by corporate America and it was only when workers began taking control of their own destiny in the sitdown at the General Motors plant in Flint that real change for working people occurred.  The workers were vilified by most in the nation’s press, but their courage to stand up became a rallying cry for workers everywhere; sitdowns sprang up throughout 1937, adding starch to working people, and eventually unions grew and thrived.

Many economists believe that the power of the labor unions during that period helped more than any other single factor to create the middle-class.

How could President Obama have not included a reference to workers and to labor unions?  There was nothing in the speech to indicate any awareness of the important of labor to creating the a decent standard of living for ordinary Americans.

Was it an oversight or a desire to avoid the topic that caused to President to fail to include the great unionizing efforts of the 1930s, 40s and 50s or to mention the role of labor in the 21^st Century?  Either way, it was a critical omission, and one that signifies that he may have deserted the labor movement, even though the nation’s unions never deserted him during the last four years. — Ken Germanson, Jan. 22, 2013.

The myths of R-T-W laws

Myths continue to dominate discussions of the so-called right-to-work laws, as witnessed by letters to the editor and comments from columnists who should seem to know better.

The principal myth is in the name, “Right-to-work,” since the law confers no right to a job for anyone!  It’s an ancient bit of clever marketing by pro-business lobbyists to misname something so as to give advantage in a debate.

Myth No. 2 involves the view that leaders of unions – sitting in far-away seats of luxury – make decisions for the union’s members.  Nothing could be further from the truth: by and large unions are one of the most democratic institutions in our society, where decisions are made through voting, where strikes require extraordinary support and where officers are elected.  (To be fair, there have been situations where unions have acted undemocratically, but such occurrences have been widely overplayed and are now largely in the past.)

Myth No. 3 covers the principle of the union shop, which is often mislabeled a “closed shop” that has been outlawed since 1947.  The union shop merely requires all workers to pay for the right of representation, based on the principle that all workers who benefit from the wages and benefits bargained by the union should pay the costs of such representation.  In addition in “open shops,” where not all workers are members, the union is required by law to represent every worker – union or not – in grievances without discrimination.  Thus, the union must defend a non-member worker who is fired just as vigorously as a member worker.

Myth No. 4 is that unions cause a company to close, as referenced recently in the Hostess Bakery closing in Kansas City.  Recognize that a decision to close up shop is made by management, not the union; in fact, unions have many times worked hard to cooperate with companies to take actions to save firms in financial troubled.  In most cases, mismanagement or failure to keep up with technology is behind company closures.

Myth No. 5 is that if workers don’t like the wages or benefits or the treatment they receive at a company, they’re free to quit and go elsewhere.  That’s like saying, “Don’t let the door hit you on the way out!”  Can the workers have NO say in these matters?  Today, finding a job is not as easy as the letter writer may think.

Myth No. 6 is that somehow companies will flock to Michigan now that it has this slave labor law in place.  Check out the reasons why companies move; far down the ladder are the labor laws.  Far higher up is the ability to attract skilled workers, something that better-paid union workers usually provide.

There have been many myths perpetrated in the labor law discussions, and they should not color the thinking of policy makers in Wisconsin. — Ken Germanson, Jan. 1, 2013

Michigan’s lesson for Wisconsin unionists

Make no mistake about it:  We in Wisconsin have plenty to learn from Michigan’s action this week in passing the Right-to-Work (for less) law.

Talk about stealth legislation, this is it.  Not only did the heavily Republican legislature ram the antiunion law through both the Senate and House without a public hearing and with no floor debate, but they even tried to do it hidden from the general public.  It took a court order to require them to open the chambers up, but the public’s presence did little to slow down the ramrod job the legislature did on the Wolverine State’s working people.

Note to Wisconsinites:  Remember how the Legislature’s Finance Committee in March 2011 passed Act 10 without proper notice, as the Republicans voted continuing to ignore Democratic Assembly Minority Leader Peter Barca’s demand to speak.  And in a vote that lasted no more than 18 seconds, the law taking away most collective bargaining rights for Wisconsin’s public employees was passed.

In Michigan, this “Right-to-Work legislation had laid hidden in the woods during the entire legislative session, until December.  Earlier, Michigan Governor Rick Snyder had said it wasn’t on his agenda, which reassured many Michigan labor leaders into thinking that the GOP-controlled legislature would not touch such a change in traditionally heavy prolabor state. Similarly, Senate Majority Leader Randy Richardville previously opposed “right to work.”

Then, come the special session of a lame-duck legislature and both men suddenly are supporting it.

In Wisconsin, Governor Scott Walker, who with the Republican-controlled legislature slammed through Act 10, has also been quoted as saying “right-to-work” was not on his agenda, nor did Republican leadership hint it was in the offing.  Maybe, just maybe, many laborites began thinking, they just don’t want the hassle of demonstrations similar to 2011, and there’d be no such law offered by Republicans.

Let the Michigan experience be a warning: You can’t trust these guys.

Already we know several legislators are circulating a “right-to-work” law in Wisconsin.  What happened in Michigan could happen in Wisconsin! — Ken Germanson, Dec. 7, 2012.

Time to look at truth: Is death near for labor?

Perhaps it’s time for loyal unionists to quit fooling ourselves.  In recent years, many of us have wondered about the future of our unions, but any talk of our unions dying has rarely been tolerated.

You’re only falling into the rhetoric of the anti-union crowd, was the warning.  As we’ve watched the percentage of workers in unions drop to 11% — and less than 7% among private sector workers – most of us have skirted the issue, using cute euphemisms like “strengthening unions” or “rebuilding organized labor.”

Brothers and sisters, it’s time to look at reality: unless matters change soon, the labor union movement (as we know it) may soon be so insignificant as to be nonexistent.  To be sure, we’re not in the grave yet; labor’s influence in the 2012 national election, for instance, was substantial in many ways, and in spite of President Obama’s relatively decent margin, he might not have won without labor’s support that gave the Democratic Party the wherewithal and bodies it needed to mobilize voters, particularly minority voters that were so critical.

If trends continue, the 2012 election may have been labor’s last hurrah.

Harold Meyerson, editor of The American Prospect and Washington Post columnist, writes that the death of the labor movement would be a disaster for the nation as a whole.  In a recent long essay, he argued that liberals in this nation should be reminded of how important the labor movement has been to passing vital progressive legislation and to fostering living wages and benefits for all Americans in the last 80 years.

Thus, the loss of a strong labor movement should be no trivial matter to liberals and all Americans who yearn for a just and progressive society.

Meyerson’s essay is worth taking time to read and digest.  Here are a few high points from the essay:

The weakening of labor in the last three decades has caused wages for all workers to remain stagnate – or to drop.

“ . . . Workers today are better educated and more productive.  What they lack is power!”

Growing employer opposition to unions has made it difficult to expand unionization into the service sector.  Weak labor laws make it easier for companies to stifle organizing.

Massive shift of manufacturing to the anti-union culture of the South weakened traditional blue collar unions.

History of unions opting in post World War II period to “business unionism,” coupled with failure of many liberals to support worker issues, caused labor to lose direction.

As moderate Democrats move to the middle, the causes of working people suffer.

What to do?  Meyerson has a few thoughts on how to turn things around, but agrees there is no easy solution in the offing.  It will take a potpourri of solutions to turn back the forces that seek the death of organized labor, and among them, he argues, are such promising actions as found in many municipalities throughout the nation where “living wage” and similar laws have been passed.  It’s easier to pass such laws in cities where labor remains strong to pass such laws.

Coalition building – that is, linking up with neighborhood groups, immigrant organizations or others – is critical, since labor can’t do it alone.  In an extension of this strategy, Meyerson refers to Stephen Lerner (who ran the SEIU’s Justice for Janitors campaign) who advocates broadening labor’s demands beyond workplace issues and joining with others to urge, among other causes, reforms in the banking industry to better serve the community.

One factor that Meyerson failed to mention is that labor may have lost the battle for the American mind.  In a democracy, the people should have the final say, but the people can make the wrong choice if they are fed with faulty information.

In the last election, President Obama was able to overcome some outlandish myths through a concerted and expensive campaign.  For the labor movement to survive as we have known it since 1935, we will need the same sort of truth-telling campaign.  That campaign must be built on more than rhetoric, and must stem from the instillation of a new spirit of innovative thought, openness and vigor.

Many in labor have begun doing much of what is suggested here; it’s obvious more needs to be done.  And, our liberal friends need to realize how linked their causes are with ours.  Time’s a-wasting.  Act now or the organized labor movement may indeed face a death knell.  – Ken Germanson, Dec. 5,  2012.

Trying new ways is a must for labor

A strong, vibrant labor movement is a must if our nation and its citizens are to thrive.  As the percentage of workers in unions has fallen from a high nearly 60 years ago of 34% to the current 11%, so has the typical income of working families.  The growing gap between the wealthy and all others has grown to unconscionable levels, already damaging the vitality of our economy so needed to keep the economic engine running smoothly.

No one should rejoice in the increasing weakness in the labor movement; traditionally its strength is necessary for everyone to prosper, including the wealthy corporate bigwigs who seek to weaken – or even eradicate – all unions.

That’s why we herald the new weapons that unions have been using to fight back to strengthen their influence and build strength.

The United Food and Commercial Workers Union took a big gamble when it sought to stage a nationwide picketing of Walmart on the day after Thanksgiving.  Some observers think the OUR Walmart effort may have failed, and perhaps the numbers of participants were not as much as the supporters wanted, but it did bring national attention to Walmart’s antiunion practices.  See link.

The chances of a massive demonstration, to be sure, were not high, since in these times when jobs are hard to come it’s apparent the vast numbers of dissatisfied Walmart workers were justifiably scared to publicly show their prounion feelings since they may face retaliation.

Taking on the nation’s largest employer is a Herculean task, but it’s imperative to start somewhere, and the Black Friday effort is a beginning.

Then there is the worker center movement that involves partnering with community organizations to set up sites where nonunion workers may go to resolve disputes with their employers or to gain assistance with personal issues involving basic needs.  In Milwaukee, the United Steelworkers teamed up with Voces de la Frontera, a community organization, in seeking union representation for workers at Palermo Pizza.  Some 350 workers are involved in a strike that began July 1^st.

This may be a difficult strategy, too, since the organizing effort faces many odds, particularly due to the fact that many of the workers who are Hispanic have been targeted by the Immigration and Naturalization Service enforcement.  Yet, the strategy shows that labor is building credibility within the Hispanic community and is recognizing that a union needs community support to organize.

Traditional organizing is nearly impossible these days, due to the drop in manufacturing employment, unfair foreign imports and growing unfavorable labor laws.

Regardless of how successful the new strategies will be in the short run, they point to a positive trend among our unions to look for new ways to become strong again.  All of America needs stronger unions and everyone should herald this development. – Kenneth A. Germanson, Nov. 24,  2012. 

Thanks for the Memory

To Parody “Thanks for the Memory,” a popular song introduced in 1938 and made popular as the signature tune for Comedian Bob Hope:

Thanks for the Memory

Of gorging and puffing

From turkey and stuffing

Filled with sweet potato

And lettuce with tomato.

 

Of family and friends

And talk that never ends

Of hoping that no feuds

Grow out of ancient moods.

 

Of crucial third downs

That draw the frowns

Of mom who’s unable

To bring men to the table.

 

Of the many boasts

That come with the toasts

As dad reaches poetic heights

While the kids sneak bites.

 

Thanks for the memory

Of the warm and tasty repast

Of many Thanksgiving Days past,

While thinking often about

Those who are left out.